Born Global and Gradual Internationalization Essay Example for Free

Born Global and Gradual Internationalization Essay In traditional models, firm internationalization is seen as a gradual process of capability build-up by which firms slowly accumulate the resources necessary to face foreign market uncertainty (Eriksson, Johanson, Majkgard, Sharma, 1997). These models assume that firms grow in their domestic markets before they start to export extensively. This is supposedly so because there is a learning process involved in facing unknown markets, and such a process requires knowledge and resources to face and overcome uncertain outcomes and costly investments. Knowledge and resources are progressively acquired through experience, first in known domestic markets and then in larger foreign markets (for a review see Leonidou Katsikeas, 1996). Much literature has documented this liability of foreignness, or the cost faced by firms that operate abroad, and the need for companies to create capabilities in foreign markets (Mezias, 2002; Zaheer, 1995; Zaheer Mosakowski, 1997). Conventional models of internationalization have drawn criticism (Andersen, 1993; McDougall, Shane, Oviatt, 1994; Turnbull, 1987). There is empirical evidence that shows the existence of small, young firms, endowed with very limited resources, which begin to export immediately after their foundation. For instance, Moen and Servais (2002) reported, for a sample of Norwegian, French, and Danish firms, the existence of many companies exporting a large share of their total sales shortly after their establishment. Such empirical evidence suggests that the Uppsala model is not the only possible way to describe the firm internationalization processes. Turnbull (1987) criticizes the determinism inherent in stage-based models, and argues against the notion that all firms, regardless of industry type, country context, or other variables, must inevitably follow a fixed route to become international. Other authors (Chadee Mattsson, 1998; Erramilli Rao, 1993; OFarrell, Wood, Zheng, 1998) contend that the internationalization process is not equally complex and costly in all industries. In industries where trade barriers, fixed investment, and transportation costs are low, such as services, internationalization may be less costly in terms of monetary and organizational resources. The born global argument essentially states that firm internationalization does not have to go through the progressive accumulation of resources and capabilities. It posits that firms can start exporting from the moment they are created, and it asserts that firms are capable of penetrating markets that are far away, both geographically or â€Å"psychically† (on account of their different cultural and language traits), despite having limited resources and little accumulated organizational learning. The definition of a born-global firm was coined by McKinsey Co.in a report that analyzed a sample of Australian exporting firms (McKinsey Co. , 1993). It was used to describe firms that, apparently, had undergone faster processes of internationalization than would have been expected for firms of similar size, age, and nature. It was thus proposed that these firms were born globals. Cavusgil (1994), and also Knight and Cavusgil (1996), elaborated McKinsey Co. s empirical observation to argue against traditional models of internationalization. Cavusgil (1994: 18) went as far as to state that â€Å"gradual internationalization is dead. † These claims sparked an academic debate revolving around different theories of internationalization. Since then several authors (Collis, 1991; Knight Cavusgil, 2004; Madsen Servais, 1997; McDougall et al. , 1994; Oviatt McDougall, 1994) have attempted to provide a theoretical foundation for these empirical observations. The theory has focused on establishing the antecedents of such firm behavior. One research stream argues that the born global phenomenon will be most prevalent in knowledge-intensive firms, such as those that make software or information technology products. Once created, many knowledge-intensive products, such as software, can be replicated at low marginal cost. Amongst the 25% Born Global firms in Australia who achieved 76% of their sales through exports, several are high-tech firms, but the typical firm uses well-known technology. Because of this, it is argued that small knowledge-intensive firms can bypass the home market and target foreign markets, or enter domestic and international markets simultaneously (Bell, 1995; Bell, McNaughton, Young Crick, 2003; Boter Holmquist, 1996). Autio, Sapienza, and Almeida (2000) found that firm knowledge-intensity was positively correlated to international sales growth, and several studies (Bell, 1995; Boter Holmquist, 1996; Coviello, 1994) have documented the tendency for firms in knowledge-intensive sectors to internationalize rapidly. According to cavusgil, born global companies which normally compete in niche markets are very flexible and move fast. They are successful due to: 1. Skill to satisfy customized or specialised product requests from customers. 2. Advances in communication technology and let their managers work across boundaries and their response time is shorter and are very flexible and adaptable. A proposition often made is that the home market has little importance for the born-global firm, to the point of conjecturing that a small local demand might drive the firms efforts to seek opportunities abroad. Bell et al. (2003: 341), for instance, argue: â€Å"This behavior is particularly prevalent among firms operating in small open economies and in emerging nations, where domestic demand may be limited. † For example, Denmark is a very small market and firms are left with no other option but go to different markets to increase their sales and hence as a result there are many Born Global firms in Denmark. Approximately 39% of the firms in Denmark are born global. Most of the firms are extremely active exporters with exports accounting for almost 70% of their sales. Previous international experience of founders and employees has also been proposed as playing a mediating role in early internationalization (Bengtsson, 2004). Such experience enhances the firms ability to learn and, consequently, to internationalize rapidly. Some authors argue that the new firms knowledge and accumulated experience amount, in the end, to the entrepreneurs own knowledge about other markets (Knight Cavusgil, 2004). Madsen and Servais (1997) posit that differences between traditional exporters and born-global firms can be attributed largely to differences in their founders backgrounds. The founders international experience may affect the extent to which psychic distance from strategic markets is perceived to be an obstacle to internationalization. It is plausible that entrepreneurs with international experience have a well-developed network of contacts that allows them to internationalize earlier (Contractor, Hsu, Kundu, 2005; Kundu Katz, 2003). In the past 2 years several scholarly studies have focused on the network dynamics of international new ventures (Coviello, 2006; Mathews Zander, 2007; Mudambi Zahra, 2007; Zhou, Wu, Luo, 2007). To summarize, it appears that many theoretical and empirical considerations support the existence of born-global firms. This notwithstanding, extant theoretical developments and empirical studies are far from proving that â€Å"gradual internationalization is dead† (Cavusgil, 1994). The born-global literature is still lacking a precise definition of what a born-global firm is, and some existing definitions are tautological. Moen (2002) asserts, for instance, that â€Å"although firms that follow this incremental development pattern may still exist, the normal pattern may be different in the new millennium. † His assertion is supported by the fact that between 30 and 40% of the exporting firms in his sample of Norwegian and French firms were exporting within 2 years of their creation. The fact that 60–70% of firms in the sample were not exporting within those 2 years seems to be absent from the discussion. It also appears that the born-global argument can be made empirically stronger by simply changing the time span to first export required for a firm to be considered born global and also what percentage of sales should exports account for. Inconsistency in definition criteria makes it difficult to compare the born-global phenomenon across different studies. Another important thing in deciding whether a firm is truly global is to consider the Psychic distance I. e. ; the difference in culture, language and trade agreements between the firms country and the country to which it exports. For example, in Costa Rica many firms established a very dynamic trade with nearby countries. These countries – regional neighbours such as Nicaragua, Panama, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras – are close to Costa Rica in terms of cultural traits and business practices. Few firms, however, exported upon birth to the more challenging strategic markets, such as the US and Europe, which have very different business and cultural practices. The majority of firms that were classified as â€Å"born global† firms, turned out to actually be â€Å"born regional. † This means that although they started exporting very early in their lives, and continued exporting a fairly large share of their sales, much of these exports were aimed at regional neighbouring countries. There was only one firm, whose current exports account for 81% of total sales, that started exporting, right from its inception, to the most strategic market: the United States. This firm can be said to be a true â€Å"born global† firm, because it started out with more than half of its customers in a foreign country located far in terms of psychic distance. The existence of born-global firms contradicts much evidence that has shown the predominantly regional focus of the international activities of multinational enterprises (Rugman Brain, 2003). In the absence of country-specific advantages, one should expect a strong firm-resource endowment in order for firms to expand abroad successfully (Rugman Verbeke, 2005). Finally, the born-global conjecture lacks empirical support from firms that start operating in small developing countries. Developing countries could prove a suitable litmus test for the born-global hypothesis. This is so because the internal markets of developing countries are small. Hence, according to these theories, firms must look to larger, foreign, markets in order to grow, and therefore firms that operate in small developing countries should have strong incentives to internationalize early. Gradual internationalization is a concept that is still very relevant depending on the industry of the firm and size of the market. If a firm is in a Industry where it takes time to learn and an Industry that requires huge investment and is based in very big market it will adopt the Gradual internationalization model.

Is Huck Finn Too Mature? Essay -- essays research papers

Is Huck Finn too Mature? Huck Finn knows more than a fourteen year old boy could possibly know. He has the maturity level of one in their twenties at least. Huck's knowledge and decisions in certain situations in the book exceed the intelligence in general fourteen year old boys. When Samuel Clemens wrote this book, he was well into his mature adult years. Huckleberry Finn represents the adventurous, free spirited life that we all would like to have led in our childhood years. Clemens wrote this book with the frame of mind of a fourteen year old. Huck Finn is Twain's dreams and childhood ambitions come to life. On Huck's adventure he encounters alot of different views of society. He experiences the restrictions of the company in which he surrounds himself. This knowledge that Huck get's first hand ultimately ends with Huck's mature decision to oppose the views of society and risks going to hell for his friendship with Jim. This is a very mature and noble decision for a boy of Huck's age to make. It is also noticeable that Huck is unlike other boys of his age with the introduction of Tom Sawyer. Tom is always thinking of amazing plans and activities. In contrast, Huck's ideas are sensible and well thought out. This fact shows that Twain made his own character superior in a way to the others, giving him a practical edge on situations. Huck is definitely superior to other boys of his age, but it may not be just his intelligence. Also, Huck has a tendency to confide in the wa...

My child’s IQ is bigger than yours Essay

In May 2002 an article titled ‘My child’s IQ is bigger than yours’, written by Carol Sarler, was published in the newspaper ‘The Observer’. The article expresses a harsh critique of the IQ measurement in general, especially the problems concerning measuring children’s IQ, and the newly snobbery behind this tendency. ‘The Observer’ is a major British newspaper, published on Sundays. As its sister newspaper ‘The Guardian’ it is known for its left-of-centre political stance. The newspaper’s readership is generally on the mainstream left of British political opinion, which is represented by the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats. The article is a reaction to the BBC television programme called ‘Test the Nation’, which appeared on television the night before the article was published. The author of the article, Carol Sarler’s, opinion on the idea of testing our IQ is unequivocally presented in the subtitle of the article: â€Å"The parents who see their bright offspring as status symbols really do need their heads examined.† She thinks that it is absolutely wrong to measure intelligence – especially children’s intelligence. Because of the article’s subjective point of view, it is a feature article. In this article Carol Sarler shares her opinion on the topic by using a sarcastic, and slightly sophisticated, language. The purpose is to make the reader laugh and at the same time get disgusted by the image she gives of parents being pathetic. Throughout the article Carol Sarler balances between the laughable and the serious aspect of the topic, she addresses in the article. While the title and subtitle of the article is rather humoristic, the article’s opening story about a highly intelligent young man, who committed suicide, is deeply tragic. In this connexion it is important to note that this article is written in extension of the author’s earlier article about this specifically intelligent young man, who committed suicide only two days after she published her interview with him. Carol Sarler obviously felt sorry for the young man and somewhat guilty about the suicide and therefore wishes to make her opinion on IQ-measuring clear. This story makes the reader interested in reading the full article, to find out how an IQ rating scale can cause so much damage. By using this kind of story, Carol Sarler uses the mode of  persuasion called pathos, as she appeals to the reader’s emotions. The article is, as mentioned, a response to the nationally broadcasted BCC programme ‘Test the Nation’. Carol Sarler compares the purpose of the national published programme with grotesque experiments in the 1950s and 1960s. Though the actual purpose between the two is not same, she nevertheless compares them, because she basically think it is wrong to measure intelligence in any way. The article shortly implicates one of the specialists involved in ‘Test the Nation’, Dr Colin Cooper, in the discussion. But Carol Sarler’s sarcastic language tears his defence of the ‘Test the Nation’ to pieces. At the same occasion she claims that IQ is becoming the new snobbery, a tendency she has lately observed in the United States. She hereby directs the reader’s attention towards her main focus in the debate about testing intelligence – parents testing their children’s intelligence. Her argument is that middle-class parents are en couraged to measure the intelligence of their children because it is becoming a social status symbol similar to a classy zip code. The article’s title clearly makes fun of the type of parents, she describes. The illustration, which is also a part of the article, really gives the reader a picture of what Carol Sarler thinks of the parents, who exposes their clever children as if they were something material. Her concern is that this new tendency harms the children, who are tested and labelled abnormally bright at a very young age. The children with high IQ’s are pressured with high expectations and pushed into private schools, which according to Carol Sarler is harmful for their social and personal abilities. As backing for her argumentation, Carol Sarler refers to the story about another young boy aged 14 with an incredibly high IQ, who according to her has very little success with his personal relationships because he is, frankly, odd. She ties this story together with the story about the young man, who committed suicide by using the same phrases, and suggesting that he too could end up with a lou sy job in a bingo hall. By using these two stories Carol Sarler also uses the mode of persuasion called ethos. She establishes an image of herself as being experienced and reliable by using experiences from her own personal and professional life   an author. Furthermore she implicates historic events and names, such as old experiments and Archimedes, to demonstrate her general knowledge and her knowledge in proportion to the topic. Her language is also sophisticated, and the vocabulary is slightly difficult, which also gains ethos as an author, since it makes her appear more intelligent and reliable. This is especially evident in the passage where she comments on the methods used in the BBC television programme ‘Test the Nation’: â€Å"The objections were two-fold, the lesser of them being a disbelief that intelligence actually can be measured: in spite of the programme makers’ hefty reference in advance publicity to the scientific validation of their methodology, their claim that the questions were nothing to do with general knowledge was simply untrue.† The language in the article contains many British idioms, e.g. â€Å"premier cheese† and â€Å"wheeled out†. The main function of this rhetorical feature is to gain both pathos and ethos as an author, and give this a humoristic twist by mixing it with typical British sarcastic humour. Carol Sarler uses the humoristic content in the article as a part of her rhetorical appeal. The purpose is to entertain the reader, make the article more readable, and demean her opponent’s opinions, as she does when she implicates Dr Colin Cooper in the debate. To sum up Carol Sarler uses a number of rhetorical features in order to support her argumentation, and thereby convince the reader that measuring and testing children’s IQ is not right, and that parents’ motive for measuring children’s IQ is pathetic and damaging to the children’s personal life and social abilities. In order to do this, Carol Sarler’s article is both effective and successful. In spite of this, the readers must be likely to ask the question: isn’t there anything positive about IQ-measuring? What about children, whose highly intelligent brain is not stimulated in school? Is it wrong to prescribe extra lessons for these children, who are bored in school? It is wrong to use your child’s IQ as a social status symbol, but it must be possible to make certain reservations when you raise a child with an exceptional high IQ, without harming the child’s personal life and social abilities.

The Paradigmatic Shift Of System Theory - 1064 Words

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In the book, I have acknowledged that it is best to view things that I can observe from the outside looking in and also being and participate in a situation which set my viewpoint than how others view certain situations. In my opinion, in most cases as humans, individuals go through different phases in their lives to learn, and to experience a different perspective when it comes, a prospect of our lives. When the book talks about the system theory/cybernetics it is a little frustrating to comprehend from my understanding and how to connect the theory to a real life situation. As I continue to read I’m trying to think how I would connect theShow MoreRelatedFuture of Criminology1590 Words   |  7 Pagesfield, its distinctiveness is not its knowledge base but the form of its focus: theories of crime, criminal law and the relation between the two - in this it is a sub-category of the sociology of deviance. 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